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Official Spanish Correspondence Pertaining to Relations with the Uchiz Indians: Section 2 Letters from October 1776 – August 1779

Governor of Havana, Marquis de la Torre, to José de Gálvez; Havana, 9 October 1776

Exposition of the inconveniences occurred in order to establish the commerce between the Spaniards and the Indians of the Florida coast, of which don Bernardo de Gálvez has been informed, as accords with the long-held pretensions of the same Indians.

I have been informed by the Royal order of the 25th of June past that the King has deemed it appropriate to approve the expenditure of 999 pesos 5 reales caused by the maintenance, food and indispensable gifts (provided to) three Groups of Indians of the Uchiz Nation that were in this port at the beginning of the current year. (He also) conceded me the power to allow, with the prompt and precise precaution to avoid all commerce with the English, that some Boats travel to the indicated locations on the coast of Florida to conduct trade with the Indians and eliminate (the need for) their frequent visits to this Plaza. (I am) informing the Governor of Louisiana, Bernardo de Gálvez, of his propositions so that Your Superior Intelligence (takes account) of this notices as they pertain to the service of His Majesty (by) cultivating the friendship of the Indians coming into contact with that Province.

I have complied with the last part of this order (by) manifesting to don Bernardo de Gálvez that which is found here (in this letter): The solicitations which the Uchiz Indians have made repeatedly and with the greatest diligence. Also, I have informed him of the grave impediment that occurred to prevent me from previously establishing the commerce, which I desired, for our Boats on the coast of Florida. To this end, if the proximity of his Government to the Province of Cabeta, where those Indians reside, compels him to ignore such concerns, he can proceed with caution.

The case (at hand) is that the Captain of one of our Boats, which drove some Indians from this Port to their Country, committed the act of treacherously killing (an Indian) during the journey due to jealously over a female Indian who was aboard during one of his trips. The notice of this crime, which I have not been able punish because the Delinquent has taken flight, without my diligence being able to discover his hideout, has spread through the Towns of Cabeta. It has caused such anger amongst those inhabitants against our Nation, as has been learned by some (of our) Fishermen, that it would be very risky to have our Boats arrive on the Coast until the passage of time has cooled their desire for vengeance and given way to the consideration that they should not consider all Spaniards guilty for the crime only one man.

This is the reason which currently makes the permission to send Boats to the coast of Florida ineffective. I do not doubt that don Bernardo de Gálvez will ably contribute to placate the rage of the Uchiz Indians, who, according to news coming out of Florida, have declared Bloody War against the Spaniards.

Source: AGI Cuba 1222, f 56-57

José de Gálvez to the Governor of Havana, Marquis de la Torre; Madrid, 26 December 1776

By Your letter, Sir, of the 9th of October past, the King has been informed that, while returning from that City (Havana) on one of the Fishing Boats carrying the Indians to their Country, the Captain (of said Boat) treacherously killed one of them during the Journey, due to jealousy over a female Indian that was aboard and that news (of the event) spread in Cabeta, where they (the Uchizes) reside. They grew angry with the Spaniards, which impeded the establishment of trade on the Coast of Florida. I have instructed the interim Governor of Louisiana, Bernardo de Gálvez, to the effect that, if the proximity of this Province (Louisiana) with that of Cabeta compels him to ignore such concerns, he should proceed with caution. And to the respect that You, Sir, have not been able to punish the Delinquent due to his having fled to an unknown location, His Majesty Orders that he be tried and punished according to his crime, procuring opportune methods so that the Indians will take leave of the anger which they have borne....

Source: AGI Cuba 1222, f 58

Copy; Declaration of the Captain Francisco Pelaez and the Indian Chanillá of the Uchiz Nation; Interpreted by Juan Josef Eligio de la Puente and Pedro Josef Nuñez; Havana, 5 May 1777

Francisco Pelaez, Captain of the Sloop Nuestra Señora del Rosario, which from the Tampa Bay arrived on the night of the 30th of the past (month) at this Port carrying dried and salted Fish, declares as true (the following):

That having put up anchor in said Bay, that an Uchiz Indian, whose name he ignored, came on board in a small canoe, having admitted him with welcome and giving him what he had to eat. Through gestures, the Indian later told him to go to shore. He declares that he and his companions (initially) resisted the Indian’s desire out of fear of (repercussion for) the well-known act committed by the son of Antonio Lendian, alias Campechano [Juan Lendian], despite the many attempts at persuasion which the Indian made. They eventually determined to go to shore with him and were carried to a spot where there were three other male Indians and five female Indians. He related that they received him with their recognized happiness and affability. Immediately leaving them alone with the Women, the men went to their houses and returned with loads of Venison and gifted them with a portion of bear oil.

That in equal terms, they continued to receive the company of all of their people, being treated with the greatest friendship for nine or ten days. That at the end of this period, the same Indian that initially boarded (their Sloop) asked him to carry him here (Havana) along with two other companions, which solicitude he (the Captain) thought convenient to concede to the three. He immediately helped them (aboard), carrying them with particular care and love.

That he does not know for what ends they (wanted to) come because he does not understand a (single) word of their language, nor do they know how to speak Castillan. And, in order to remain obedient to the verbal order of the Governor and Captain General of this city and Island (Cuba) which has been demanded of me, I offer the above. He (the Captain) did not sign (the document) because he did not know how. Due to his defect, the one who wrote (the document) has done so for him.

In Havana, (on the) fifth of May of one thousand seven hundred and seventy-seven,
Juan Josef Eligio de la Puente

On behalf of Francisco Pelaez = Pedro Josef Nuñez

Chanillá, Uchiz Indian and resident of the Uchiz Town of Taluja, one of those of the Province of Cabeta, declares by voice of Juan Pinzapal, Interpreter of his language, that, while in the Tampa Bay, the captains Nagite and Estechaque, chiefs of the same Province, arrived at his Realm and told him that they came here on behalf of their Emperor and caciques to verify the news which three Indians of the Town of Tamasle had carried (to him). (The story was) recounted that the son of the campechano [Juan Lendian], (while) transporting them in his Schooner to the said Tampa Bay, offered large quantities of Brandy to the captain, Mansupique, and two other Indians that he was carrying. After having gotten them very drunk, he pulled out a knife and stabbed them to death. (This was) an act that, if found to be true, would have resulted in them (the Uchiz) asking that the Governor would give them the satisfaction of punishing the Spaniard as they see fit.

But, as they did not see (any of) the Fishing Boats such as the one which carried them to this city (Havana), and believing them to have all returned already, they decided to return to their Towns very disconsolate. He declares that he remained there with three other men and five Women. A short while later he discovered the Sloop which had brought them here and, without delay, embarked on a small canoe. He went on board, were he was affably received by the Captain and his Seamen, to whom, as thanks for the affection with which they treated him, he offered fresh meat and oil. They went ashore to retrieve these items and, as verified, they stayed there for nine or ten days.

That at the end of this period, and in order to determine some news proving their (the Spaniards Chanillá, Uchiz Indian and resident of the Uchiz Town of Taluja, one of those of the Province of Cabeta, declares by voice of Juan Pinzapal, Interpreter of his language, that, while in the Tampa Bay, the captains Nagite and Estechaque, chiefs of the same Province, arrived at his Realm and told him that they came here on behalf of their Emperor and caciques to verify the news which three Indians of the Town of Tamasle had carried (to him). (The story was) recounted that the son of the campechano [Juan Lendian], (while) transporting them in his Schooner to the said Tampa Bay, offered large quantities of Brandy to the captain, Mansupique, and two other Indians that he was carrying. After having gotten them very drunk, he pulled out a knife and stabbed them to death. (This was) an act that, if found to be true, would have resulted in them (the Uchiz) asking that the Governor would give them the satisfaction of punishing the Spaniard as they see fit.

But, as they did not see (any of) the Fishing Boats such as the one which carried them to this city (Havana), and believing them to have all returned already, they decided to return to their Towns very disconsolate. He declares that he remained there with three other men and five Women. A short while later he discovered the Sloop which had brought them here and, without delay, embarked on a small canoe. He went on board, were he was affably received by the Captain and his Seamen, to whom, as thanks for the affection with which they treated him, he offered fresh meat and oil. They went ashore to retrieve these items and, as verified, they stayed there for nine or ten days.

That at the end of this period, and in order to determine some news proving their (the Spaniards’) good faith which he would then be able to communicate to his Emperor and caciques, he asked the Captain to carry him here along with two other men accompanying him named Chaquilayque and Ynculeyche, which was instantly conceded. That he will argue in their (the Uchizes’) defense, with what has occurred in this particular instance, for the effects which the Expressed (Spaniards) carry, in light of the fact in his provinces they have not mobilized nor thought of taking arms for causing the slightest harm to the Spaniards. To the contrary, they desire in General to known the truth about the indicated three deaths and their motives.

So that I can remain obedient to the verbal order of the Governor and Captain General of this City and Island (Cuba) which has been given to me, I offer the above declaration to the sight and sound of the aforementioned two companions of his, who, (when) interrogated, ratified the account without offering anything to add nor omit. He (Chanillá) did not sign it (the document) due to not knowing how and, due to his defect, I did so for him and for the annunciated Juan Pinzapal, who does not know how to write either. All this has been conducted under the confidence asked and required of me by the nature of the matter.

In Havana, (on the) fifth of May, of one thousand seven hundred seventy-seven.
For the Indian Chanillá and for myself, Juan Josef Eligio de la Puente
For Juan Pinzapal, Pedro Josef Nuñez

Source: AGI Cuba 1222, f 701-703

Governor of Havana, Marquis de la Torre to José de Gálvez; Havana, 6 May 1777

Account of having found in that Port [Havana] three Uchiz Indians and of the methods which were applied to re-establish the good correspondence with this Nation.

One of the Fishing Boats entered on the 30th of April past carrying three Indians of the Uchiz Nation from the Tampa Bay. As I anxiously desired to find the methods with which to placate the anger of the Indians of Florida provoked by the atrocity committed by Juan Lendian, as has been communicated to Your Superior Intelligence, I have taken advantage of this opportunity to comfort them and give them assurances of friendship.

I charged don Josef Eligio de la Puente, senior Accountant of the Tribunal of Accounts and well-versed in the affairs of those Indians who lived in Florida, with the care and maintenance of the three and with obtaining information as to the objective of their visit. In consequence, he has sent to me the accompanying declarations.

In light of the situation, I have warned the same Eligio to make the Indians understand the horror with which we have viewed the cruelty of Lendian and the continuing diligence which has been practiced and continues (to be practiced) in order to apprehend him and impose the deserved punishment. And, giving them some gifts according to custom, I will dispatch them with the message that they are to send two or three Indian chiefs to revalidate the good correspondence (among us), since the same Eligio assured me that this is the manner in which it should be re-established. Then I will be able to establish the commerce, which I proposed and His Majesty approved, between our Boats and the Indians of the Florida Coast.

I will send to Your Superior Intelligence, after the three have left, the account of the expenditure occasioned and I will make sure it is satisfied by the general Treasury, in the hope that it merits the approval of His Majesty.

Source: AGI Cuba 1222, f 697-700

Juan Josef Eligio de la Puente to the Governor of Havana, Marquis de la Torre; Havana, 16 May 1777

In consequence of what You, Sir, have served to submit to me with the date of the 7th (of the current month), of which I am made to understand clearly and distinctly from the Indian Chanillá and his two companions Chaquilayque and Ynculeyche, of the Province of Cabeta, that left from this Port last night for that of Tampa, the horror which we have seen of the atrocity committed by Lendian and of the continuing diligence that have been practiced and continue to be practiced at Your orders in order to apprehend and impose on him the Penalty that he deserves.

This should is the answer that they should have carried to their Emperor and Caciques, so that they are assured of the good faith with which You, Sir, and the rest of the Spaniards hope to conserve their friendship and correspondence, as has been practiced for the span of almost fourteen years and as His Majesty has repeatedly stressed as a test of the ancient Paternal Love which he has professed, currently professes and will continue to profess for them, as long as they continue to pay tribute to him with their Love and loyalty of which he has no doubt. Therefore, the excesses of a drunk, dispensed while he was in their Provinces, is no cause for the slightest enmity between their Nation and ours. Here, we strive to punish (him) in order to give them Satisfaction and to Serve as fear and warning to others, as, if the aggressor is caught, he would be executed in public.

They heard all this of the attacks and estimated it as truth, offering to transmit it without delay to the referred Emperor and Caciques, who they thought would admit such certain words unanimously and graciously. They hoped that what they participated would later cause some Chiefs to resolve to come at the beginning of Winter to revalidate their obedience to the great King of Spain. Then they would, with things once again settled, the Spaniards and Uchizes would communicate with each other as Brothers.

It is good that up to now, no other development has occurred in the Spirits of the Latter, except that they felt for the shameful loss of the dead and that they desired to know the motives (of the murders). Tascallapé, the heir of that Empire, Always strove to proceed in the above manner, persuading those who thought of a different manner. He did not believe it (that the Spaniards had turned on the Uchizes), with to respect to (the fact) that he did not ignore the special attention and affability with which You, Sir, always received and gifted them, and could not permit them (the Uchizes) to cause (us) the slightest harm. In their Esteem, they were very confident of what they had been told regarding the case of the injured parties; that they will be consoled much and that they will return to pacify their Hearts.

Also, I submitted to the mentioned Indians, with the corresponding Separation for each one, and the man and five Women of their Nation that accompanied them and remain in the enunciated Tampa Bay. The gifts listed in the attached Relation, which, in the name of His Majesty, You, Sir made to them. Of this is included, such as the daily (assistance) with which they were assisted, and the food, which you gave them and I included, the same Relation they made the greatest demonstrations of gratitude.

To the two hundred twenty-four pesos and three reales cost by the expressed gifts, I have added the two hundred pesos paid to Sebastián Pérez, for the freight of the schooner in which the cited three Indians were transported so that, if it were of the approval of You, Sir, it would serve to send them together. I will celebrate to having contributed to the pleasing of You, Sir, to whose disposition I reiterate my respects and I beg that God Grant the life of You, Sir, many happy years.

Source: GI Cuba 1222; f 744-747

Juan Josef Eligio de la Puente; Havana, 16 May 1777

Relation of three Indians of the Uchiz Nation of the Province of Cabeta, who in the Schooner Nuestra Señora del Rosario, its Owner Francisco Pelaez, were transported from the Tampa Bay to this City (on) the night of the thirtieth of the past (month) and returned there the fifteenth of the current month, whose names and cost caused by the gifts that have been made to them, maintenance during their Residence here, Food for the journey (home)and freight for the said Schooner that returned to carry them, are as follows.

Names of the three Indians
Chanillá
Chaquilayque
Ynculeyche

Goods and effects which have been gifted to said three Indians, in addition to another one (male Indian) with five Women that came in their Company and remained in the mentioned Tampa Bay guarding the goods
Four white Shirts, 7 pesos 6 reales
Sixteen varas of blue Cloth for Boots, loincloths and Rags, 51 pesos 2 1/2 reales
Ten varas of painted canvas, 9 pesos 3 reales
Four yarned Handkerchiefs, 2 pesos
Five silk Handkerchiefs, 6 pesos 2 reales
Four reales worth of white yarn, 4 reales
Four reales worth of Tailor yarn, 4 reales
Four reales worth of needles, 4 reales
Four fresadas, 7 pesos 4 reales
Nine small pieces of Wool Ribbon, 10 pesos 1 real
Five small pieces of Silk Ribbon, 17 pesos 4 reales
Four Shaving Razors, 1 peso 2 reales
Four cutting Razors, 6 reales
Nine pair of scissors, 1 peso 5 1/2 reales
Nine small Wooden Combs, 1 peso 1 real
Four small Mirrors, 1 peso
Eighteen reales worth of Soap, 2 pesos 2 reales
Four small Candles, 2 pesos
One hundred twenty Rifle balls, 2 pesos
Twenty-four Flint Stones, 3 reales
Eight pounds of Gunpowder, 6 pesos 2 reales
Four ounces of Vermilion, 1 peso 4 reales
Four Small Anchors’ [a weight of measure] worth of Cane Brandy, 10 pesos 4 reales
Four Small Anchors’ worth of Honey, 9 pesos
Eight bunches of tobacco, 3 pesos
Twenty-four smoking Pipes, 6 reales
Four Link Chains, 4 reales
Twenty reales worth of Glass Beads, 2 pesos 4 reales
Maintenance for fifteen days, to the respect of three reales per each one of the annunciated three Indians and four reales per Woman, for Housing them and making them food, 24 pesos 3 reales
Food
Four Loads of Casabe, 8 pesos
Eight arrobas of Corn, 16 pesos 4 reales
Two arrobas of (Beef) jerky, 6 pesos
One arroba of Pork jerky, 4 pesos 4 reales
Four pesos worth of Squash, Sweet Potatoes, Plantains and Cane, 4 pesos

Freight
For 200 pesos submitted to Sebastián, owner of the Schooner, 200 pesos

Total: 423 pesos 1 real.

Source: AGI, Cuba 1222, f 748-749

Governor of Havana, Marquis de la Torre a José de Gálvez; Havana 5 June 1777

Remittance of the Account of the expenditures occasioned in the maintenance and gifts for three Uchiz Indians that were in that Port (Havana).

Complying with what I offered in the Letter of the 5th of May past, I submit to Your Superior Intelligence the account that Juan Josef Eligio de la Puente, Senior Accountant of the Tribunal of Accounts, has presented me of the expenditures occasioned in the maintenance, food, and gifts for the three Uchiz Indians who have been in the Port as of late. They cost, as Your Superior Intelligence can see, 423 pesos 1 real and I have arranged for this account to be satisfied by the general Treasury, passing the corresponding notice to the Intendant of the Army and Royal Estate, which I hope will merit the approval of His Majesty.

Source: AGI Cuba 1222, f 742-743

Juan Josef Eligio de la Puente to Diego Josef de Navarro; Havana, 2 July 1777

I pass to Your hands the declarations given by the Captain Tomás de Noa and the Indian chief Tibulaiche, who from the Tampa Bay arrived at this Port on the night of the 15th of the past (month) and returned yesterday to the same Bay.

In consequence of what I informed You, Sir, in the same declarations, it served You to take note of such and inform me so that I could answer the cited Tibulaiche. I made him understand clearly and distinctly that the deaths executed by the Spaniard Juan Lendian against the three Indians of his nation resulted, without a doubt, from the large quantity of Brandy which the four drank. Even though by our Laws it was not a crime of capital offense with respect to their intoxication, when we learned of what happened there it was instantly treated as such. With the horror that our people feel for this crime, we observantly ordered that the Spaniard be searched for with the greatest exigency, in order to apply the punishment to which he is deserving. However, we had not found him nor had any report of his hideout, other than what he (Tibulaiche) had just given me. What he pleaded for was that his Emperor and Caciques could travel down to this City (Havana) next Winter. You, Sir, conceded him your permission for up to four or five (men), which were enough to take care of the matters which were indicated to be dealt with. You, Sir, would graciously hear them, answer them and attend to them as the King has ordered, all of which was agreed to, of course with special complacency, by response of His Ambassador.

I also submitted to the cited Tibulaiche, with the differentiation due between him, his companion and the 19 men that he left guarding the Tampa Bay, the gifts listed in the attached relation, explaining to him that You, Sir, made them in the name of His Majesty. Those gifts, such as the daily (maintenance) with which you assisted them, the food which you allocated for them and including the said relation, manifested your continuing recognition and gratitude. Finally, I added that they were equally (signs of the) particular affection and friendship with which the goodness of Your, Sir, received them and extended them your hand.

The expressed gifts, maintenance and food added up to a sum total of 241 pesos and 4 reales. I have added the 200 pesos paid, according to custom, to Sebastián Pérez for the freight of the Schooner in which he drove the mentioned Tibulaiche and his friend, and so the sum ascended to 441 pesos and 4 reales.

Source: AGI Cuba 1290, f 263-264

José de Gálvez to the Governor of Havana Diego Josef de Navarro; Madrid, 9 July 1777

The King approves of the admission in this city of the three Uchiz Indians from the Tampa Bay, who came to learn of the punishment given to the Boat Captain who treacherously killed one of his companions in a prior trip. (He also approves of) the effective providences concerning the solicitation of satisfaction against the aggressor that they were made to understand by way of don Juan Eligio de la Puente, commissioned for this task, dispatching them with the customary gifts and a message to their Caciques to send their friendship and good correspondence in order to initiate the proposed trade with their Nation.

Source: AGI Cuba 1284, f 330-331

Juan Josef Eligio de la Puente, on behalf of Tibulayche and Nicolás Ponce de León, who were giving the testimony; Havana, 17 July 1777

Testimony of the Uchize Tibulayche:
Tibulayche, Indian chief of the Town of Ajachite, one of those of the Province of Cabeta, declares by voice of don Nicolás Ponce de León, interpreter of his Language, that he has been dispatched by his Emperor and Caciques, with twenty men so that he could pass through to this City and give the following:

Already, (the Emperor) knows that, after more than forty years of a cruel and continuing War between the natives of that Province (Cabeta) and the Spaniards who inhabited San Agustín de la Florida, that the Master of their lives (the King of Spain) wanted to use him as an instrument so that they could have the most secure Peace.

He was elected by the Chiefs of his Nation as their Governor, with the name of Wacanice, to the effect that at whatever time he would represent what they would offer to the great King of Spain, promising themselves to obey His Majesty in whatever he would order them to. They have complied as such, not only up until the submission of the annunciated Provinces of Florida to the English, but afterwards (as well), and to the date in which occurred the unexpected news of the three deaths executed by Juan Lendian (alias son of the Campechano) against Captain Matupique and two other Companions.

He also pleads with your seniority (the Governor of Havana) that it would serve him to give permission to said Emperor and some Caciques to come next Winter so that he can communicate to you the treasonous acts of the English of San Agustín de Florida and Pensacola in not having agreed to their solicitations.

The Cited, his Emperor and Caciques, plan to establish a trade of Pelts, Horses, Meats and fruits of theirs with the Spaniards, with respect to (the fact) that they already have no other means of providing themselves with clothing to dress themselves, tools to build their houses and till their lands, arms and munitions to hunt and defend themselves from their enemies and other necessities.

And to continue in obedience with the verbal order of the Governor and Captain General of this City (Havana) and Island (Cuba), which he has vested in me, he gives the above, which he did not sign for not knowing how and, in this defect, it was signed by the expressed Interpreter don Nicolás Ponce de León.

Source: AGI Cuba 1290, f 265-266

Author not given, possibly Diego Josef de Navarro, governor of Cuba. Addressed to don José de Gálvez, Havana, 20 July 1777

Having just taken possession of this post, I was presented with three Uchiz Indians who were heard and examined by don Juan Josef Eligio de la Puente, senior Accountant of this Tribunal of Accounts.

By way of the attached documents which correspond to my verbal Order, this zealous servant (Eligio de la Puente) formed his Letter in which he related the expenditures. My response will impress Your Excellency with the objective of the arrival of those Indians, of their pretensions and of the answers which occurred to me to give them, so that we remained assured of peace with their Emperor in the midst of this indecisive event.

If the Emperor decides to come with the four or five Caciques permitted, I will procure the affirmation of the concept that they have of our Sovereign Monarch and the love that they merit, having at hand what His Majesty sent me in Articles 33 and 34, and of the reserved instruction of the 6th of January of this year.

Source: AGI Cuba 1290, f 26-27

Juan Josef Eligio de la Puente; Havana, 20 July 1777

...two Indians of the Uchiz Nation, from the Province of Cabeta, who in the Sloop Nuestra Señora del Rosario, its Captain Tomás de Noa, traveled from the Tampa Bay to this City on the night of the 15th of the past (month) and returned there the morning of the 1st of the current (month)

Names (of the Indians)
Tibulayche
Laslitique

(Cost of) Goods and effects...Maintenance...Food...and Freight
441 pesos 4 reales

List of Gifts
white Shirts
Fresadas
1/3 varas of blue cloth
Painted Canvas
Silk Ribbon
Wool Ribbon
Yarn Handkerchiefs
Tailor Yarn
Needles
Soap
Shaving Razors
Cutting Razors
Small Mirrors
Pairs of scissors
Combs
Rifles
Gunpowder
Flint Stones
Bunches of Tobacco
Brandy
Honey

Food given
Casabe
Rice
Sugar
Salt
Beef
Pork
Squash
Sweet Potatoes
Yams
Plantains
Cane

Source: AGI Cuba 1290, f 609

Declarations of the Boat Captain José Bermudez and the Cacique Tunapé; Havana, 22 December 1777

José Bermudez, Captain of the Schooner San Antonio, who on the 13th of the current (month) arrived from the Tampa Bay to this City (Havana), declares as true that, having left there (Havana) to go to fish, with corresponding License, on the Coasts of West Florida and arriving at the referred Tampa Bay, various Canoes of Uchiz Indians came aboard. In total, they composed of fifty persons of both sexes, among them the Cacique Tunapé and Captain Tolope, who told him that they came with destination for this City (Havana), because they had to speak with the Governor and Captain General. To this he responded that he would gladly serve them, but that he could not carry more than six or eight (Indians), because his Boat was fully loaded. Insisting that more be allowed, he finally had to embark with twelve, whom he carried, leaving the others there. (In) the dealings which he has conducted with said Indians, as well as the others (Indians) located on those Coasts, they have been as affectionate as brothers. He ignored their reasoning for which they came because he did not understand their language. So that this complies in obedience of the verbal Order of the Governor and Captain General of this City (Havana) and Island (Cuba), which has been invested in me, the above was signed in Havana on the 22nd of December of 1777.

Tunapé, Cacique of the New Town (Cabeta), sent by the same (town while) in San Luis de Taslismaslis, six leagues from the Fort of San Marcos de Apalache, declares by voice of don Tadeo de los Ríos, Interpreter of his Language, the following:

That he is a native of the Town of Cabeta, Capital of the Province of the same name, member of the Uchiz Nation and one of its Chiefs. Ever since he began to speak and retain knowledge, his Father warned and advised him, until the hour of his death, to be a loyal subject of the great King of Spain, to defend his Vassals from the Enemy and to serve them in whatever they do. To this effect, to give them (his) affection, he was carried, at the age of 9 or 10 years, to San Agustín de la Florida. At the time, those provinces were governed by don Antonio de Benavides, who received them with great pleasure and gifted them much.

After that, he constituted himself affectionately to the Spaniards and, after he learned how to handle Firearms, he came to live with them at the referred Fort of San Marcos de Apalache. There he remained, obeying what his Commander and the Governor of Florida ordered with the greatest punctuality and love, serving them exceptionally by delivering Letters from one point to another, in which role he occupied himself for close to twenty years.

When the said Fort was inundated by a storm, its Commander don Sebastián Sánchez and the large part of the Garrison died trapped inside. The few who escaped retreated precipitously to San Agustín. He had to recover the dead, bury them so they would not be eaten by the Wolves and watch over the Cannons, Catapaults, Balls, Bells and other equipment which remained there without anyone to guard it.

After the Spaniards returned with the Commander don Álvaro López in order to rebuild the Castle, he not only punctually returned to them what he had recovered, but remained there when they decided to [re-garrison] it (the Castle). He accompanied them with all of his men in order to defend them from whatever Enemies that tried to attack them and graciously provided them with fresh Meats, Bear Oil, Corn, beans, Sweet Potatoes and Squash.

As a consequence of this, the one who was interrogating (Eligio de la Puente) warned the Emperor, Caciques and Chiefs of the Province of Cabeta, and of the Province of the Talapuzes, when Florida was turned over to the English that he who was giving testimony (Tunapé) had determined to use all of his Troops to impede the establishment of said English on any part of the West Coast and parts of the East Coast (of Florida). In order to remove them from Apalache, he decided to situate himself [near] the Fort . . . [so that] none of the (British) garrison could go out to catch Fish or Oysters, or to hunt Birds or other Animals. With the English deprived of such things, and not being able to have the slightest respite, they grew bored, spiked their Cannons, and set sail one bad night on a small Schooner which they had. The following day, recognizing what they (the British) had done, he (Tunapé) went to the fort and took possession of it.

Afterward he took occasion to send notice to the Governor of Havana, by way of the Chief Lajaliqui and later repeated through the Captain Estimsalayche, begging on both occasions that the Spaniards come so that he could turn it over to them. This did not seem convenient to the Governor.

Now he is coming (to ask) the same; and in the case this is not possible either, he pleads with the Governor to give them two war Drums and a Flag with the (Coat of) Arms of the King. He wants the former so that he can assemble his people and the latter to raise so that all those who see it know that the Castle belongs to the Great King of Spain and will be defended until the last drop of their blood has been spilled.

He also begs the Governor to help him by allowing the coming and going of the Spaniards’ small Boats to the annunciated Fort of Apalache. Not only does he want this so that they (the Boats) can bring them what they lack so (that) they can buy them with Horses, Meat, Corn, beans, Pelts and medicinal herbs, but also so that the children who are being born and those who were still young when, with much heartfelt pain, the Spaniards retreated from there (Apalache) could come to know them, trade with them and receive their affection. (This is) because, to the contrary, they will be lost with the passage of time, and then they will be won over by the English, as they have so greatly desired them as their own.

It is currently known that there is an English Horseman in Pensacola and that he has dispatched various Messengers to the Uchiz Nation (and) to those of the Talapuzes, Apiscas, Alibamones and Choctaw so that those who are from where the Sun is born would be friends with the English, unite with them, be left to populate the lands of Florida close to the sea and wage war against the English of Savannah, Carolina, Virginia, Maryland, Philadelphia and the Indian Nations who are of their devotion. It is certain that they will not obtain this solicitude with the Uchizes nor the Talapuzes, because it is known that they are prepared to blindly comply with whatever is asked of them in the name of the Great King of Spain. Even the Apiscas and Chiscas believe the same, because they are beginning to war with them (the English). However, it is not known what will happen with the Alibamones and Choctaw, since these two Nations are united and the latter is very numerous.

Although some Fugitives from the Uchizes, who have fled due to their misdeeds and have been impressed by the English of San Agustín so that they can be used for war, as the English of Savannah have done, it is known that, with this notice, the Emperor and prime Man of War of the Province of Cabeta they have been pardoned and ordered to return to their Towns at this instant, so that troops will not be dispatched to finish them all off, of which it is certain would not be of any service (to the Emperor).

He who, come what may, offers to be the first to lose his life and those of all the people who accompany him before he would permit a single Englishman to take up residence anywhere between the Bank of Aix and the mouth of Rats (Boca Raton) and from the Point of Tanche to the St. Joseph’s Bay. This is the terrain that he can guard and defend. In the meantime, his life and those of the Old men who accompany him will have to suffice, since in dying I fear that the youth, as they do not know the Spaniards, will turn to the English, since are very obstinate. As (the English) bring them what they need and provide them with what they have, I fear that (the English) will win them over with such methods).

So that this never happens, he has wanted to make a relation of what the expressed (Indians) carry and that they already are completely lacking in Gunpowder, Ball, Rifles, Hatchets, Hoes and other indispensable necessities (with which) to defend themselves from the Enemy, hunt Animals, make their Buxios, dress themselves, due to the poor (quality) clothing that they use, and even, at this date, (to obtain) Food, because in the present year the Harvests were very bad. In virtue of this, he humbly begs the Governor and Captain General that, for the Paternal love with which the Great King of Spain has always looked upon them, it would serve to provide them with what they ask. And as for the rest of what he carries declaring, to determine (them) as to what he would find most convenient. (It is) well-understood that in the cited Town of his and in other of its surroundings there are many Christians, and, wanting that all are born as such, he would ask that they would be sent a Priest to baptize them, teach the Doctrine, confess them and attend (to them) when they die.

In respect to the deaths caused by Juan, the Son of the Campechano, he has already been pardoned by the Afflicted parties. As proof of this, he brings a son of the defunct Chief who ratifies it as such. In virtue of this, he equally asks that the Governor and Captain General not give him any sort of punishment, since the Father of Juan is currently caring for them and has always done the same for whomever of the same Nation when they have come here and that the Son was drunk when he committed the deaths.

Finally he repeated that all that he said was the truth, because he has no other tongue than that with which he has spoken to the sight and sound of all who accompany him and that they know this themselves, according to what they have said in general. And so that I continue in obedience with the verbal Order of the Governor and Captain General of this City (Havana) and Island (Cuba), which has been invested in me, the enumerated Cacique Tunapé gives the above, which he did not sign due to his not knowing how, and in his defect it was signed by the expressed Interpreter don Tadeo de los Ríos, in Havana on the 22nd of December of 1777.

Source: AGI Cuba 1290, f 635-369

Juan Josef Eligio de la Puente, Havana, 26 December 1777

Notices of the love and loyalty that the Indians of the Uchiz Nation and that of the Talapuzes, as proof of what they profess to His Catholic Majesty, have been given since the year 1747, when, after more than 43 (years) in which they were devoted to the English, don Josef Eligio de la Puente managed to separate them from their (nation) and turn them to ours.

The referred Indians continuing the peace, with the most profound friendship and affection, that they celebrated on that date, had to endure the (year) of 1759, which interrupted this peace by way of the irregular management and proceedings of the then-Governor and Captain General of Florida don Lucas de Palacio, who, without the Indians giving the slightest cause for complaint nor disgust, issued, in his dispositions, the general order to kill whomever was encountered at a distance of seven leagues from San Agustín, executing a Negro, the first death among (them) and one of the most esteemed Captains of theirs. [The result was] that they declared war against us without delay, continuing as such until they had trapped us within the Plaza of the cited San Agustín and the Fortress of San Marcos de Apalache.

Don Lucas de Palacio died, leaving us with the war he started. And as we broke with the English in the year 1762 and the Plaza of San Agustín was completely lacking food and other indispensable necessities, Governor don Melchor Filiu decided to commission the cited don Juan Elixio (de la Puente), who had just arrived there with the notice of the loss of Havana, to go to solicit those (Indians) of the neighboring Enemy Colonies, protected by the Company of Mounted Dragoons and some Infantry.

In order to (assure) his better achievement and security, don Juan Eligio proposed to the Governor that he allow him to send a Letter to the Emperor of Cabeta, to the effect that he would come down to San Agustín to celebrate the peace with him, which was instantly conceded. And Eligio dispatched the Same (Letter).

Eligio also set out with his expedition for the Enemy Colonies and the English attempted to attack him with two well-armed small Galleons and a troop of one-hundred Indians. He later resolved that it would serve him to approach them so that he could advise the commander of the latter, named Oyafeque. He was there (with the Indians) and as he had already sent for the Chiefs of the Province of Cabeta so that they would accompany him and contribute their ideas, he was there waiting to see him (Oyafeque) so that, eating and drinking together, they would revalidate their tried and true friendship.

Oyafeque did not carry out what Eligio told him to, but he accepted his message with such respect that he immediately supported the Royal [Spanish King] and left with all of his troops, leaving the English alone. Considering their (the English
Juan Josef Eligio de la Puente, Havana, 26 December 1777

Notices of the love and loyalty that the Indians of the Uchiz Nation and that of the Talapuzes, as proof of what they profess to His Catholic Majesty, have been given since the year 1747, when, after more than 43 (years) in which they were devoted to the English, don Josef Eligio de la Puente managed to separate them from their (nation) and turn them to ours.

The referred Indians continuing the peace, with the most profound friendship and affection, that they celebrated on that date, had to endure the (year) of 1759, which interrupted this peace by way of the irregular management and proceedings of the then-Governor and Captain General of Florida don Lucas de Palacio, who, without the Indians giving the slightest cause for complaint nor disgust, issued, in his dispositions, the general order to kill whomever was encountered at a distance of seven leagues from San Agustín, executing a Negro, the first death among (them) and one of the most esteemed Captains of theirs. [The result was] that they declared war against us without delay, continuing as such until they had trapped us within the Plaza of the cited San Agustín and the Fortress of San Marcos de Apalache.

Don Lucas de Palacio died, leaving us with the war he started. And as we broke with the English in the year 1762 and the Plaza of San Agustín was completely lacking food and other indispensable necessities, Governor don Melchor Filiu decided to commission the cited don Juan Elixio (de la Puente), who had just arrived there with the notice of the loss of Havana, to go to solicit those (Indians) of the neighboring Enemy Colonies, protected by the Company of Mounted Dragoons and some Infantry.

In order to (assure) his better achievement and security, don Juan Eligio proposed to the Governor that he allow him to send a Letter to the Emperor of Cabeta, to the effect that he would come down to San Agustín to celebrate the peace with him, which was instantly conceded. And Eligio dispatched the Same (Letter).

Eligio also set out with his expedition for the Enemy Colonies and the English attempted to attack him with two well-armed small Galleons and a troop of one-hundred Indians. He later resolved that it would serve him to approach them so that he could advise the commander of the latter, named Oyafeque. He was there (with the Indians) and as he had already sent for the Chiefs of the Province of Cabeta so that they would accompany him and contribute their ideas, he was there waiting to see him (Oyafeque) so that, eating and drinking together, they would revalidate their tried and true friendship.

Oyafeque did not carry out what Eligio told him to, but he accepted his message with such respect that he immediately supported the Royal [Spanish King] and left with all of his troops, leaving the English alone. Considering their (the English’s) intentions frustrated and that they were in danger, they precipitously withdrew.

The Chief Escucahpé, who at the time governed for the not-of-age Emperor, arrived at San Agustín and brought with him his Youth [children], his Mother and other Caciques. And as he did not encounter Eligio there, he left without delay to search for him in San Juan, twelve leagues away. In that spot he dealt with the peace, and dispatched Messengers with the order that all of the troops who the English had gathered retreat and come to unite with the Spaniards, which they did punctually. And so, the Neighbors and Inhabitants of San Agustín and those of the Fortress of Apalache gained the liberty to be able to leave to enjoy their Fields and from Eligio obtained what the English would have (previously) sold them and provided them of utensils and food, with which the remedied the necessity which they had suffered.

When, by Royal Order, they turned those Provinces over to His Britannic Majesty, the sentiment which the expressed Indians manifested was imponderable. So that they (the British) would not take all of those (provinces), they joined together in their Capital of Cabeta and agreed to prepare for the English, (and that) what the Great King of Spain had ordered was fine. However, they were of the opinion that they (the English) only ought to extend their limits to the St. John’s River, alias of Salantoso, and the terrain in which the Fortress of San Marcos de Apalache was constructed, since the rest of the lands belonged to the Province of Cabeta. And so, no one passed through the cited St. John’s River nor left from the Fortress of Apalache, because if they had done so, they would have been captured and killed. All of this occurred out of luck, that the English were not able to form even the smallest establishment outside of the related limits, and that they had instantly killed those of them who had managed to do so.

They pressured those who guarded the advertised Fortress of Apalache until the point that they abandoned. At this, they became the Owners of it (the Fortress) and maintained it at the disposition of our Sovereign, to whom they have offered it three times, along with the large part of the Coasts of the West, which they guarded and defended with their troops and to which the Fishermen of this City (Havana) go annually for their provision, being admitted with the greatest affection by those same Indians, those who also come here for the same purpose, with satisfaction.

Lately, there are many more examples that could be used to justify the natural inclination and affection which the said two Indians Nations have for Spain, whom Eligio had known for close to thirty years before conquering them. But, as it seems that what they solicit would satisfy the expressed (Indians) and that their current obedience to His Majesty excuses them from having bothered us.

Source: AGI Cuba 1290, f 370-371

Juan Josef Eligio de la Puente; Havana, 12 January 1778

Relation of the Twelve Indians, eleven of them from the Uchiz Nation, one of them from that of the Talapuzes, who in the Schooner San Antonio of the Captain Josef Bermudez, they traveled from the Tampa Bay to this City (Havana) the Night of the twelfth of the past (month) and left to return there the afternoon of the tenth of the current (month), whose Names and costs which they have caused, due to the gifts which they have been given, maintenance during their residence here, and food for the trip, are as follows:

Names of the eleven (Uchizes)
Cacique Tunapé
Captain Tolope
Chanilla
Sulltique
Suslayche
Apatatayche
Ynculiche
Simpuque
Ynjale
Aychue
Lusluayche

Name of the Talapuz
Saslape
Juan Josef Eligio de la Puente; Havana, 12 January 1778)

Relation of the Twelve Indians, eleven of them from the Uchiz Nation, one of them from that of the Talapuzes, who in the Schooner San Antonio of the Captain Josef Bermudez, they traveled from the Tampa Bay to this City (Havana) the Night of the twelfth of the past (month) and left to return there the afternoon of the tenth of the current (month), whose Names and costs which they have caused, due to the gifts which they have been given, maintenance during their residence here, and food for the trip, are as follows:

Names of the eleven (Uchizes)
Cacique Tunapé
Captain Tolope
Chanilla
Sulltique
Suslayche
Apatatayche
Ynculiche
Simpuque
Ynjale
Aychue
Lusluayche

Name of the Talapuz
Saslape

Goods and effects with which the said twelve Indians and another thirty-five of both sexes who came in their company, and remained guarding them in the mentioned Tampa Bay, were gifted.
60 1/4 varas of Blue cloth, 150 pesos 5 reales
18 White Shirts, 27 pesos
12 reales worth of crude White Yarn, 1 peso 4 reales
6 reales worth of Needles
18 Pair of Light [ligera in the original], 1 peso 5 1/4 reales
2 Dozen mirrors, 4 pesos
10 Machetes with Their Sheaths, 15 pesos
10 Hoes, 10 pesos
200 Fishhooks, 2 pesos 4 reales
60 Pounds of Gunpowder, 273 pounds 1/2 reales
1 small Barrel for said (Gunpowder), 32 pesos 4 reales
120 Flint Stones, 6 reales
10 Boarding Axes, 7 pesos 4 reales
3 Hatchets, 3 pesos 6 reales
1100 Rifle Balls, 12 pesos 4 reales
2 Chisels, 1 peso
2 Gouges, 1 peso
2 Adzes, 4 pesos
2 of said (Adzes), Curved, 4 pesos
400 Nails for Window and Door Frames, 8 pesos
2 Bits for said (Nails), 1 peso
400 Yarning Needles, 3 pesos
2 Bits for said (Needles), 2 reales
400 Nails of medium listing, 14 pesos
2 Bits for said (Nails), 1 peso
6 Iron Cauldrons, at 36 pounds, 6 pesos 6 reales
2 larger (of) said (Iron Cauldrons), at 42 pounds, 7 pesos 7 reales
3 large Nail Files, 1 peso 4 reales
3 medium Nail Files, 1 peso 1 real
2 Zernucho, 1 peso 6 reales
2 Grinding Stones for milling, 10 pesos
1 Flag, 9 pesos 2 reales
2 Brushes, 1 peso 4 reales
2 Zinuelas of iron for the Grinding Stones, 5 pesos
10 Harpoons, 5 pesos
2 Wedges for making Tajamani, 5 pesos
2 War Drums, 20 pesos
1 Dozen Shaving Razors, 3 pesos
1 Dozen large blades, 3 pesos
1 Pound of Vermilion, 4 pesos
8 Baskets, 1 peso
1 Sack, 4 reales
60 Bone smoking pipes, 7 pesos 7 reales
1 Dozen Wooden Combs, 1 peso 4 reales
2 Pesos worth of Soap
12 Pieces of Wool Ribbon, 13 pesos 4 reales
12 Pieces of Silk Ribbon, 42 pesos
2 Fans, 1 peso 4 reales
2 Sombreros, 6 pesos
3 Pair of Shoes, 3 pesos
3 Pair of Metal Buckle, 1 peso 4 reales
2 Redingotes of Blue Cloth, with flared sleeves of Colored grain and buttons of Limilos, 34 pesos 3 reales
16 Varas of Painted Canvas, 16 pesos
12 Silk Handkerchiefs, 15 pesos
12 Yarn Handkerchiefs, 6 pesos
12 Link Chains, 1 peso 4 reales
6 pesos worth of Glass Beads
12 Padlocks, 6 pesos
12 small Barrels of Brandy, 48 pesos
12 small Barrels of Honey, 36 pesos
2 small Barrels of Wine, 7 pesos
30 bunches of Tobacco, 7 pesos 4 reales
6 Pounds of said (Tobacco), Ground, 6 pesos
1 small Case for said (Tobacco), 2 reales
Maintenance- For 29 days, to the respect of three reales for each one of the Annunciated twelve Indians and four reales to those which were Housed and given food, (for a total of) 45 pesos

Food
16 Loads of Casabe, 32 pesos
47 Arrobas of Rice, 58 pesos 6 reales
6 Arrobas of Beef, 21 pesos
2 Arrobas of Pork, 10 pesos
6 Pounds of Sugar, 13 pesos, 4 reales
16 Pesos for Squash, Sweet Potatoes, Plantains, Cane and other fruits
7 Pesos 6 reales for Transport and some vessels

Total: 956 pesos 6 1/2 reales

Source: AGI Cuba 1290, f 374-375

Author unknown, probably the governor of Havana, Diego Josef de Navarro, to José de Gálvez; Havana, 15 January 1778

Having presented themselves to me eleven Uchiz Indians and a Talapuz, reiterating the same old pretensions: that they be sent Spaniards to take possession of the Fort of San Marcos de Apalache, which they would defend, with the approval of their Emperor, the Cacique Tunapé, with the Indians of their faction; they be sent a Spiritual Father, so that they can continue the exercise of Catholicism among those who say they have been Baptized, and to Baptize those who are born; that there be established the passage of some embarkations to that coast who, in addition to provide them goods and effects which they lack, would extract from them their fruits, and (in this way) the Indians would accustom themselves to trade with the Spaniards; and that they would pardon the Campechano who killed the Indians when taking them to their territory. Your Excellency will majestically examine the declaration taken to Tunapé by don Juan Eligio de la Puente, senior accountant of this Tribunal of Accounts, and comprehend the  paper Number 1. I sent the response to this Ministry, which Your Excellency will see in the copy of Number 2, which is (a copy) of the notice with which the cited Eligio satisfied my order.

For the full compliance of the terms which the preceding (notices numbered) 22 and 34 explain of the Instruction, dated the 3rd of January of last year, I noticed that it failed to determine the most secure manner in which to send one or more Boats to conduct the solicited commerce with the Indians and to avoid as much as possible the Reiteration of the visits which they (the Indians) make, without any volition on part of the Fishermen, since although they have been warned to refuse them (aboard), they see it necessary to bring some of them so that they do not become exasperated and (cause them) to suffer some extortion due to their boldness.

Don Juan Eligio (de la Puente) is knowledgeable of what they practiced in Florida and it seems to me that, if it does not create some inconvenience for His Majesty, it would be very purposeful to send to Apalache a subject versed in that Language (that of the Uchizes), that they would have an Interpreter and mediator in the adjustments of the fruits and effects that they would be traded by two Captains known here as loyal Vassals and incapable of trading clandestinely with the English. About these points I hope that it serves Your Excellency to tell me what would be to the liking of His Majesty, in order to arrange this matter at once. And what is more, if it be the will of the King, to concede the Pardon which the Indians ask for Juan Lendian, the campechano.

(In) the interim, they (the Uchizes and Talapuz) have left succored, which expenditure for their maintenance and food has ascended to nine hundred sixty-five pesos and six-and-a-half reales, as is specified by the inserted Relation Number 3, and so that it be satisfied, I have passed the corresponding notice to the Intendant of the Army and Royal Estate.

Your Excellency will pardon that no quantity is included for the freight for the transport of said Indians to their destination. This is because, in conducting the diligence which I have committed to a practical Person who I have sent in the same Ship, so that, Recognizing that the Bays of Pensacola and Saint Joseph are defended by disguised Indians, as if they would have, or not, English Boats of war there, (to give) the notice to our Squadron in the Sound. Then I will advise Your Excellency of the expenditure which the diligence has caused, which has seemed to me a legitimate precaution in consequence of the notices received and that I communicate to Your Excellency in the reserved notice Number 162.

For the complete knowledge of Your Excellency of what had occurred with respect to the coming of these Indians, I will also include the notices (in) which the Commander General of this Squadron inquired about don Juan Eligio (de al Puente) with the apparent intent to see if he could provide him with masting, resins, and Tar. Toward this objective, he has sent in said Boat two men, so that they could be dropped off in the Bay of Tampa, reconnoiter its mountains and in whatever other fishing Boat, return to this Plaza.

Juan Josef Eligio de la Puente; Havana, 15 April 1778

Relation of the Indians of the Uchiz Nation of both sexes and different ages who, from the 12th of January of the present year until the 14th of the current (month), have traveled to this City from the Coasts of West Florida and returned there in the expressed Boats, with a declaration of the names of their Captains and of the Indians that they have taken on their arrival and return trips and for the cost of this, for the gifts which they have been given, the maintenance and Food, as well as the freight for the Sloop Nuestra Señora de Regla, its Captain Antonio Montenegro, which carried the Indians (back) and that of the Schooner San Antonio of the Captain Joaquín Escalona, who left on the 10th of January from this Port with destination to San Marcos de Apalache (and brought the Indians here), and equally what was paid to Julián de Flores, who was entrusted with passing from there (San Marcos de Apalache) by way of river to Pensacola to the reserved diligence of the Royal Service. They are explained and distinguished as follows:

Names of the Indians that were driven by Luis Pérez and Jacinto Martín Beltas, Captains of the Sloop Nuestra Señora del Carmen and the Schooner Jesús María y Josef on the 12th and the 14th (respectively) and (who) all returned in the aforementioned Sloop on the afternoon of the 29th of January:
Simayque
Tonichaocho
Siquique
Tistayque
Sincayque
Slamagiche, Child
Lanfiche, Child

(Cost of) Goods and effects with which said seven Indians and the Wives of the first five (listed), with nine children, who came in their company and remained guarding them in the Tampa Bay, were gifted (and the Food and Maintenance), 571 pesos

Names of the forty-five Indians who, on the 1st and 3rd of March, were driven by Tomás de Noa and Gaspar Lino, Captains of the Schooners named Nuestra Señora de Regla and San Francisco de Asis (respectively), and they all returned together on the afternoon of the 18th of the same month, in the aforementioned Nuestra Señora de Regla

Men

Women

Male Children

Female Children

Yslaiche

Gajuteque

Miguelme

Apalajamiche

Sabalpique

Sifulliquichique

Suchife

Simasla

Chaquilayque

Napice

Safujulutique

Ysumalaque

Oyafique

Sijupin

Ysjuliche

Safachayque

Cibayque

Sajuvlli

 

Sicusape

Mititaque

Tupallo

 

Sujapille

Asitique

Sinjaique

 

Tijisle

Nuquiche

Tuluque

 

Sajuse

Ysitpujayche

Sajuliche

 

Ysima

Umasta

Juquire

 

Lajalsi

Timpuiche

Lagipaque

 

 

Estibulayche

Juote

 

 

Tayche

Estapalle

 

 

Sinquique

Yfanasque

 

 

Simafaymiqui

Pujache

 

 

Estimaspale

 

 

 

(Cost of) Goods and effects with which said 45 Indians were gifted (and Food and Maintenance), 1634 pesos 4 1/2 reales

Names of the nine Indians who, on the 23rd and 31st of the past March were driven by Josef Gallando and Joaquín Escalona in the Sloop San Francisco de Paula and the Schooner San Antonio and they all returned together on the Sloop Nuestra Señora del Carmen, its Captain Antonio Montenegro, on the afternoon of the 14th of the current (month)

Men

Women

Children

Yucabape

Yfuzique

Ganeche

Tullasque

 

Ysagiche

Ysitibusfasique

 

Gilitechate

Ypuanquiche

 

 

Tacapiche

 

 

(Cost of) effects (and Food and Maintenance and Transport) from this Port to the Tampa Bay, 582 pesos 3 reales

Freight for the Schooner San Antonio...for 500 pesos paid to Joaquin Escalona, Captain and owner of said Schooner, for the two months and twenty days spent in diligence of the Royal Service which which he was entrusted

Total: 3,387 pesos 7 1/2 reales

Source: AGI Cuba, 1290, f 443-449

Don Juan de la Villeboeuvre, Lieutenant of the Infantry Battalion  stationed in Louisiana, Commander of the Post of San Gabriel de Manchak...to Señor don Bernardo de Gálvez, Governor General of this Province [Louisiana]; 6 July 1778

I have learnt today from a [son] of a former Captain of this colony, named Livois, nephew of Madam Dauterive, who traveled with the Lieutenant Colonel McGillivray from Natchez to Manchak, that the English have recently been planning to take New Orleans by attacking it with the two Frigates that are stationed in front of the Village and with 1500 Choctaw Indians, 400 Chickasaw, 300 Cherokee and 250 English, which would place the total number of men to be raised at 2450, and to send the aforementioned McGillivray out from Natchez, devastating both coasts of this River (the Mississippi), starting at Punta Cortada until reaching this City, but that the Cherokee y Chickasaw, for fear of the Americans, refused to carry out the project, even though there were 1500 Choctaw ready to march when Colonel Hutchins wrote to McGillivray that the matter was to be terminated. This probably occurred because the letters that Rossno sent arrived at Natchez, and for that reason the aforementioned McGillivray did not bring with him more than thirty-eight Indians. The Youth which I cited earlier told me himself that 500 Choctaw had arrived at Natchez, to whom the English gave the monetary value of a deer Pelt to each one of them daily in order to convince them to march. He did not know where nor for what purpose, but he was certain that they had other ideas, failing to explain what those could be, and if I knew them myself I would tell you. This poor, unhappy Youth expressed to me that he was mortified that he had found himself amongst them: that they had made him march in order to fight against the Americans, but that he did not want to do so against his own Country and that he would put somebody in their place and return to Mobile, where he has his Plantation and a Sister. In addition, he advised me that the English ought to have made a Trench in the Estuary in front of this Fort (San Gabriel de Manchak). Equally, he tells me that he is certain that the Indians and provincial English troops [assigned to West Florida] will commit some kind of excess and harm to the Inhabitants when they return to Natchez with McGillivray, if they do not sit well with what I have written to Captain don Carlos Granpré in order to warn those of his Jurisdiction, that they are alert when those people pass through, and, if it were possible to know the day of their departure, that I would advise them of it.

Source: AGI Cuba 182A, f 581v-583v

Don Carlos Granpré, Captain of the Infantry Battalion stationed in Louisiana and Commander of the Post of Punta Cortada to Señor don Bernardo de Gálvez, Governor General of this Province; unknown location, 8 July 1778

I have the honor to inform you, Sir, that up until now I have not taken into account the reiterated warnings that Perruquier, Chief of the Ofoqulás, gave me of the bad intentions of the Choctaw Indians, Cherokee and Chickasaw, incited by the English to fall upon our establishments in the early morning of the 24th of next month and now I know that it did not have any effect because the last two Nations have returned in part to their Villages, and have failed to keep their word as they were to have set off for Natchez (the general point at which they met) where they should have joined together to destroy and pillage this Post and continue doing the same until reaching the outskirts of this City. But that day I think that the English had some hidden designs, as indicated by their continuous movements toward the Nations, as well as for some rumors that left little doubt as to their projects. Lately, this turbulent Nation has had the idea of setting the Indians of their devotion against us, without seeming to take any part in it at all, although this would be a vile trick. Don Juan de la Villebouvre informs me that there are certain notices of the arrival in Natchez of 500 Choctaw and that they are awaiting another large number of Indians; and that Mr. McGillivray ought to come up later to the said Post with his men and that they have hopes to pillage our establishments. As a result, I have ordered that all of the Inhabitants remain alert and ready, and that they not leave their homes unarmed.

Source: AGI Cuba 182A, f 582v-583v

John Campbell, Brigadier General, to Bernardo de Gálvez, Governor General, 31 May 1779

Since I last had the honor of writing Your Excellency on the letter dated the 28th (which accompanies this one, since I have not had the opportunity to send it out yet) they have informed me that the Choctaw Indians residing in the Dominions ceded to His Britannic Majesty have been toasted [welcomed] and received in New Orleans, where they were given gifts, made promises and invited to return. The surprise that this news gave me made me question everything that I had written in my previous letter, in which I allowed myself to form the most high opinion of your benevolence, candor, innocence and good faith, for which I congratulated myself on the good fortune of finding in the Province of Louisiana a governor with such integrity. And on the subject of such merits, I confess, I think that the opinion that I had formed of your virtue and abilities is well-founded, that it will not allow me to admit to the contrary, to such conduct on your part as described above, without further proof, and without communicating to you to reject similar reports, that I consider it as a calamity and a false implication, unless I receive irrefutable evidence to the contrary. But at the same time, I ought to tell you that if this news is correct, even though it goes against all that I had hoped for, and that I had promised you to allow the Choctaw to visit the Province of Louisiana at any time, however and whenever they pleased, giving them free entry and return from this Province, without detainment, according to what has been our custom up to this point in order to avoid committing insults and offenses, and to provide you with having the pleasure of their Company. Nevertheless, permit me to return to my previous thought and joyous hope that the news is totally false and without foundation, or perhaps that this operation has been conducted without your knowledge or without your approval by secret enemies, hidden by the rebellious Vassals of His Britannic Majesty, whose insolence, in this case, I do not doubt will be punished, since they abuse our hospitality, sowing the seeds of jealousy and mistrust between our two Nations which live in good intelligence and friendship. I ought not forget here to remind you of the memory of a similar complaint made years ago by the Governor of Louisiana against a British commissary residing on the Mississippi for having solicited the Indians established on the Spanish shore of the River. You should not ignore how much it offended them; the English demonstrated well how much they abhor treason, since they not only denounced the incident that had caused the offense, but also forced the commissary to resign. It is based on this event that I infer it to impossible that the Vassals of His Catholic Majesty have lowered themselves to being party to an act that they themselves complained of so vehemently. By this very same example I should hope that if offers and solicitations have been made (to the Choctaw), even without the authorization, support or order to entice our Indians to abandon the loyalty that they owe us, that the Spanish will not fail to give satisfaction to the English (in generosity nor in magnanimity) and remedy the situation. I plead that your conduct in this situation will add luster to your genius and character, and that you will prove yourself worthy of the dignities which our sovereign has conferred upon you, which will be for myself an inexpressible joy and pleasure.

Source: AGI Cuba 182A, f 215-218